England's 11 metro mayors now govern combined authorities covering 41% of the population—over 23 million people—with powers over transport, housing, skills, and economic development. The model, introduced in 2016 as part of the Conservative government's "Northern Powerhouse" and devolution agenda, has reshaped English local democracy, creating powerful regional leaders who can challenge Westminster and deliver major infrastructure projects.
But the devolution experiment remains incomplete and contested. Metro mayors have far fewer powers than Scotland's First Minister, Wales's First Minister, or even London's mayor. Their authorities operate under a patchwork of different deals, creating inequality and confusion. Voter turnout averages just 28%, and many residents cannot name their metro mayor. As the government pushes to extend devolution to cover 100% of England by 2030, fundamental questions remain about what devolution is for, who benefits, and whether the model can deliver the economic rebalancing it promises.
What are combined authorities and metro mayors?
A combined authority is a legal body that brings together multiple local councils to govern strategic issues across a city region. For example, the Greater Manchester Combined Authority (GMCA) covers 10 councils (Manchester, Salford, Bolton, Bury, Oldham, Rochdale, Stockport, Tameside, Trafford, Wigan) with a combined population of 2.9 million.
Each combined authority is led by a metro mayor, directly elected by voters across the entire area for a four-year term. The mayor chairs a cabinet of council leaders from the constituent councils and has executive powers over devolved functions.
The model was inspired by London, which has had a directly elected mayor since 2000 (currently Sadiq Khan). However, London's mayor has significantly more power—including control over the Metropolitan Police, Transport for London, and strategic planning—because London is a unique case with its own legislation.
England's 11 metro mayors (as of January 2025) are:
- Andy Burnham — Greater Manchester (Labour, elected 2017, re-elected 2021, 2024)
- Tracy Brabin — West Yorkshire (Labour, 2021, 2024)
- Steve Rotheram — Liverpool City Region (Labour, 2017, 2021, 2024)
- Andy Street — West Midlands (Conservative, 2017, 2021, 2024)
- Ben Houchen — Tees Valley (Conservative, 2017, 2021, 2024)
- Oliver Coppard — South Yorkshire (Labour, 2022)
- Dan Norris — West of England (Labour, 2021, 2024)
- Nik Johnson — Cambridgeshire & Peterborough (Labour, 2021, 2024)
- David Skaith — York & North Yorkshire (Labour, 2024)
- Claire Ward — East Midlands (Labour, 2024)
- Kim McGuinness — North East (Labour, 2024)
Three more combined authorities are expected to elect mayors in 2025-26, including Greater Lincolnshire and Norfolk.
The origins of devolution: from Northern Powerhouse to national policy
The metro mayor model emerged from the 2014 "Northern Powerhouse" agenda, championed by then-Chancellor George Osborne. The idea was to rebalance the UK economy by devolving power and investment to England's major cities outside London, enabling them to compete globally.
The first deal was struck with Greater Manchester in November 2014. In exchange for accepting a directly elected mayor, the region received:
- Control over a £6 billion annual budget covering transport, housing, planning, skills, and business support
- Devolved health and social care budgets (£6 billion), with the mayor co-chairing the health board
- Powers to franchise bus services (previously deregulated since 1986)
- A £300 million investment fund for infrastructure
The deal was revolutionary. For the first time since the abolition of metropolitan counties in 1986, a city region had strategic governance and significant powers. Other cities quickly sought similar deals, and by 2017, six metro mayors had been elected.
The model was extended under Theresa May and Boris Johnson, with devolution deals offered to more rural and mixed areas like York & North Yorkshire and the East Midlands. The requirement for an elected mayor remained non-negotiable—the government insisted that devolution required a single accountable leader, not a committee of council leaders.
What powers do metro mayors have?
Metro mayor powers vary significantly depending on their devolution deal, but typically include:
Transport
Metro mayors control local transport networks, including buses, trams, cycling infrastructure, and strategic road planning. This is often their most visible power.
- Andy Burnham (Greater Manchester) introduced a £2 bus fare cap across the region, saving commuters up to £1,000 annually. He also re-regulated buses under a franchising model (like London), giving the combined authority control over routes, fares, and standards.
- Tracy Brabin (West Yorkshire) is implementing a similar bus franchising system and has invested £830 million in new trains and station upgrades.
- Steve Rotheram (Liverpool City Region) oversees the Merseyrail network and has introduced a London-style integrated ticketing system.
However, metro mayors do NOT control national rail services (managed by the Department for Transport) or strategic roads like motorways (managed by National Highways).
Housing and planning
Metro mayors have powers over strategic planning and can direct councils to build more housing in their areas. They also control housing investment funds (typically £50-100 million annually) for affordable housing, brownfield regeneration, and infrastructure.
- Andy Street (West Midlands) has delivered 12,000 new homes through the combined authority's housing programme and secured £1.5 billion for regeneration projects.
- Ben Houchen (Tees Valley) controversially purchased Teesside Airport for £40 million and invested £100 million in a freeport, attracting major employers like GE Renewable Energy.
Skills and employment
Metro mayors control adult education budgets (£500 million+ annually in large areas), allowing them to tailor training to local employer needs. They also run employment support programmes and apprenticeship schemes.
- Greater Manchester has used its skills budget to create sector-specific training hubs in advanced manufacturing, digital, and health.
- Cambridgeshire & Peterborough focuses on agri-tech and life sciences skills to support its research-intensive economy.
Economic development
Metro mayors oversee business support programmes, innovation funding, and inward investment. They act as the public face of their region, lobbying government and attracting employers.
- Ben Houchen has been particularly active, securing a freeport with tax breaks and simplified planning, attracting £1 billion in private investment and 20,000 jobs.
- Andy Burnham established the Greater Manchester Local Industrial Strategy, focusing on advanced materials, digital, and health innovation.
Limited powers over health and policing
Some metro mayors have influence (not control) over health and policing:
- Greater Manchester and the West Midlands have devolved health and social care budgets, with mayors co-chairing integrated care boards. However, the NHS remains nationally controlled, limiting what mayors can achieve.
- Greater Manchester and West Yorkshire have Police and Crime Commissioner (PCC) powers, meaning the mayor also oversees the police force. Other areas have separate elected PCCs.
What metro mayors do NOT control
Crucially, metro mayors lack powers over:
- Schools and education (controlled by the Department for Education and academy trusts)
- Hospitals and the NHS (nationally controlled, though some mayors co-chair local health boards)
- Welfare and benefits (controlled by the Department for Work and Pensions)
- National rail and strategic roads (controlled by the Department for Transport and National Highways)
- Taxation (metro mayors cannot raise taxes; they rely on central government grants and council contributions)
This means metro mayors can influence but not control many of the issues that matter most to residents, such as hospital waiting times, school quality, and benefit levels.
The funding model: devolution or dependence?
Metro mayors control significant budgets—Greater Manchester oversees £6 billion annually—but most of this is passported funding from central government with strict conditions. Mayors have limited discretion over how it is spent.
Combined authorities receive funding from:
- Devolved grants: Central government devolves specific budgets (e.g., adult education, transport) to combined authorities. These come with conditions and cannot be used for other purposes.
- Investment funds: One-off capital grants for infrastructure (e.g., £900 million for West Midlands transport, £700 million for Liverpool City Region).
- Council contributions: Constituent councils contribute to the combined authority budget, typically through a levy on council tax or business rates.
- Business rates retention: Some combined authorities retain a share of business rates growth to incentivize economic development.
- Borrowing: Combined authorities can borrow for capital projects, but this must be repaid from future revenue.
Critically, metro mayors cannot raise taxes. Unlike London's mayor (who can levy a precept on council tax) or the Scottish and Welsh governments (which can vary income tax), metro mayors rely entirely on central government grants and council contributions. This limits their autonomy and makes them vulnerable to funding cuts.
Achievements and controversies
Metro mayors have delivered tangible successes:
- Andy Burnham's £2 bus fare has been widely praised and copied by other regions.
- Ben Houchen's Teesside freeport has attracted major investment, though critics question the cost and whether jobs are genuinely new or displaced from elsewhere.
- Andy Street's Commonwealth Games (2022) showcased Birmingham globally and delivered £1 billion in infrastructure.
- Steve Rotheram's £700 million transport deal is upgrading Liverpool's rail and bus networks.
However, controversies abound:
- Ben Houchen faced criticism over the £40 million purchase of Teesside Airport, with opponents arguing it was a vanity project. An investigation cleared him of wrongdoing, but questions remain about value for money.
- Andy Burnham clashed with the government during COVID-19 over lockdown restrictions and financial support, raising his national profile but achieving limited concessions.
- Nik Johnson (Cambridgeshire & Peterborough) has struggled to deliver on housing and transport promises, with low visibility and internal conflicts with council leaders.
Democratic legitimacy: the turnout problem
Voter turnout in metro mayor elections is alarmingly low:
- 2024 elections: Average turnout 28% (range: 22% in Cambridgeshire & Peterborough to 34% in West Yorkshire)
- 2021 elections: Average turnout 32%
- 2017 elections: Average turnout 27%
By comparison, turnout in local council elections averages 35-40%, and general elections 65-70%. The low turnout suggests weak public engagement and awareness.
Polling shows many residents cannot name their metro mayor or explain what they do. Critics argue this undermines democratic legitimacy—how can mayors claim a mandate when fewer than one in three voters participate?
Supporters counter that turnout will improve as the role becomes embedded and mayors deliver visible results. They also note that turnout in Police and Crime Commissioner elections is even lower (15-20%), and no one suggests abolishing those roles.
The future: 100% devolution by 2030?
The government has committed to extending devolution to cover 100% of England by 2030. This would require creating combined authorities in areas that currently lack them, including much of the South East, East of England, and rural counties.
However, progress is slow. Some areas resist the metro mayor model, preferring joint committees of council leaders without an elected mayor. The government has insisted that significant powers require a mayor, but this has stalled deals in areas like Oxfordshire and Surrey.
There are also questions about the optimal size and boundaries of combined authorities. Should they follow historic counties, economic geographies, or travel-to-work areas? Greater Manchester and the West Midlands are relatively coherent city regions, but newer authorities like York & North Yorkshire cover vast, diverse areas with little in common.
Conclusion: devolution or decentralization?
England's metro mayors represent the most significant shift in local governance since the abolition of metropolitan counties in 1986. They have delivered investment, raised regional profiles, and provided a counterweight to Westminster's dominance.
But the model remains incomplete. Metro mayors lack the powers, funding autonomy, and public recognition to be truly transformative. The patchwork of different deals creates inequality—why should Greater Manchester have more powers than Cambridgeshire? And the requirement for an elected mayor, while ensuring accountability, has become a barrier to devolution in areas that prefer collective leadership.
The question is whether England is undergoing genuine devolution—a permanent transfer of power to regional governments—or merely decentralization, where central government devolves specific functions while retaining ultimate control. Until metro mayors can raise taxes, control health and education, and operate under a consistent framework, the answer remains unclear.
For now, metro mayors are powerful but constrained, visible but poorly understood, and transformative in some areas but invisible in others. The devolution experiment continues, but its ultimate success depends on whether Westminster is willing to let go—and whether voters care enough to engage.
Frequently asked questions
What powers do metro mayors actually have?
Metro mayor powers vary by region depending on their devolution deal, but typically include: control over local transport networks (buses, trams, cycling infrastructure); strategic planning and housing development; adult education and skills budgets (£500 million+ annually in some areas); business support and economic development funding; and influence over health and policing through co-chairing local boards. However, they do NOT control schools, hospitals, police forces (except London and Manchester), or welfare—these remain with central government or other bodies. Greater Manchester and the West Midlands have the most extensive powers, while newer combined authorities like York & North Yorkshire have more limited deals.
How are metro mayors different from council leaders?
Metro mayors are directly elected by all voters across a combined authority area (typically covering multiple councils) and serve four-year terms. They have a personal mandate and executive powers over strategic issues like transport and economic development. Council leaders are elected by councillors (not the public directly) and run individual local authorities with powers over day-to-day services like waste collection, social care, and planning applications. Metro mayors work above council leaders, setting regional strategy while councils deliver local services. In practice, metro mayors must negotiate with council leaders who retain significant power and can block initiatives.
Are metro mayors worth the cost and bureaucracy?
Supporters argue metro mayors have delivered tangible benefits: Andy Burnham's £2 bus fare cap in Greater Manchester saved commuters £millions; Ben Houchen brought 20,000 jobs to Tees Valley through the freeport; and Steve Rotheram secured £700 million for Liverpool City Region transport. They provide a single voice for regions in negotiations with government and business. Critics counter that the model adds a layer of bureaucracy, costs £10-15 million per authority annually, and creates confusion about who is responsible for what. Voter turnout averaging 28% suggests weak public engagement. The evidence is mixed: some mayors have been transformative, others invisible.